Unknown's avatar

Five things every Virginia candidate (and voter!) should know about energy

What lights up your life? Photo by Pixabay on Pexels.com

Running for office requires candidates to know about topics they might never have given much thought to. Most Virginia campaigns are won or lost on hot-button issues like taxes, education, reproductive rights, guns and gay marriage, so everyone who runs for office has a position on these questions. This holds true for candidates in this year’s high-stakes races for the state’s executive branch and all 100 House of Delegates seats. 

Inevitably, though, there are topics the average candidate doesn’t completely grasp. Some are narrow and – thankfully – nonpartisan. Where do you stand on Sunday hunting? Should I-81 have more lanes? How do you feel about skill games? Will you vote to save the menhaden, whatever a menhaden is? (It’s a fish, and I encourage you to say yes.)

Other topics affect the lives of every Virginian, but they are, frankly, complicated. One of these is energy. Not only is it hard to get up to speed on energy issues, but technology is changing so rapidly that keeping abreast of developments would be a full-time job. Who would spend that kind of time on such a dreary topic?

Uh, that would be me. 

So here we go: I’m going to cover five things political hopefuls need to know about energy in Virginia before you get to the General Assembly and start passing laws that affect your constituents’ wallets and futures. And for voters, these are things you should ask candidates about before they earn your vote. 

First up:

If you are going to talk about energy, you have to talk about data centers

By now you surely know that Virginia has embraced the most energy-intensive industry to come along since the steam engine launched the Industrial Revolution. Northern Virginia hosts the world’s largest concentration of data centers, which already consume an estimated 25% of the state’s electricity, with massively more development planned. The reason isn’t vacation photos or Instagram cat videos; it’s the competition to develop artificial intelligence (AI).  

After putting tax incentives in place to attract the industry 15 years ago, the General Assembly and the current governor have rejected all attempts to put guardrails on development or make data centers more energy efficient. The subsidies now cost taxpayers a billion dollars per year (and counting). Virginia asks for almost nothing in return. 

Under the best of circumstances, the skyrocketing demand for electricity would put upward pressure on energy prices. But our situation is even worse: Virginia already imports about half our electricity from other states, and the regional grid that we’re part of faces its own energy crunch. 

Grid manager PJM has been so slow to approve new generation that governors from member states, including Virginia Gov. Glenn Youngkin, wrote a letter taking PJM to task and urging it to move faster. But the damage has been done. Supply is tight, electricity prices have risen, and prices will continue to rise unless and until supply catches up.

PJM has decided to fast-track new high-cost, gas-fired generating plants ahead of the cheaper renewable energy projects that make up 95% of the queue. It’s a much-criticized move and seems more likely to increase costs. Once built, fossil gas plants burn a fuel that has doubled in price just over the past year, threatening a repeat of the post-pandemic price surge that Virginia ratepayers are still paying for. And there is no relief in sight, with utilities now having to compete with a doubling of U.S. natural gas exports.

Short of unleashing all the renewable energy stuck in the queue, there is no easy way to protect Virginia residents from higher electricity costs. Dominion Energy, Appalachian Power, and at least one of the electric cooperatives have proposed special rate classes for large-load customers, but that would shield residents from only some of the costs of serving the data centers. 

Utility bills are going up. Dominion Energy is seeking hefty rate increases that would push up residential bills by an average of more than $10 per month in base rates plus almost $11 per month in fuel costs, primarily due to those higher natural gas prices. Coal-heavy APCo has seen even steeper rate increases in the past few years.

Virginia needs new legislation ensuring data centers bear the full expense and risks of serving Big Tech, and they should be required to source their own clean energy. Localities, meanwhile, must be required to evaluate the costs to all Virginians before they issue permits to data centers, including considerations like where the energy will come from, water impacts, and the siting of transmission lines.  

You can’t get from here to there without solar

Virginia wasn’t producing all of its own energy even before the data center rush, and PJM’s problems are now pushing us into a crisis. Our near-term options are limited; new data centers are breaking ground at a breathtaking rate, and only solar can be installed on the timeline needed to prevent an energy shortfall. Even if we were willing to pay for high-priced gas or nuclear plants, developers face a backlog of as long as seven years for gas turbines, and advanced nuclear is still not commercially viable. 

Fortunately, solar is not just the fastest energy source to deploy, it’s also the cheapest and cleanest. Though President Donald Trump blames rising electricity prices on renewable energy, that’s false, just one of many myths the fossil fuel industry has propagated against solar. Nor is solar unreliable, another myth. When solar is paired with battery storage, it can match the rise and fall of demand perfectly.

It’s true, however, that while the great majority of Virginians support solar energy, many rural residents oppose it on aesthetic grounds. Of course, they would also oppose nuclear reactors and gas fracking in their neighborhoods. Legislators should  be sensitive to their concerns – but having chosen to welcome data centers, Virginia leaders can’t just shrug off the need for energy.

We also have to recognize that many farmers need to lease their land for solar in order to keep the land in their family and generate stable income. This should be as important a consideration to lawmakers as the objections of people who aren’t paying the taxes on the farm. Preventing landowners from making profitable use of their land is more likely to lead to the land being sold for development than to it remaining agricultural. 

The good news is that solar panels are compatible with agricultural uses including livestock grazing, beekeeping, vineyards and some crops. Dominion Energy uses sheep instead of lawnmowers at several of its solar facilities in Virginia and plans to expand the practice. The combination is a beautiful synergy: sheep and native grasses improve the soil, and in 30 years when the solar panels are removed, the land has not been lost to development.

While there is no getting around the need for utility-scale solar projects, rooftop solar also has an important role to play. In addition to harnessing private dollars to increase electricity generation, distributed solar saves money for customers and makes communities more resilient in the face of extreme weather.

This year the governor vetoed a bill to expand the role of distributed solar in Virginia. The legislation had garnered strong bipartisan support, so it will likely pass again next year. However, lawmakers will need to go further to encourage customer investments in solar now that federal tax credits will be eliminated for residential consumers at the end of this year.  

Batteries: For all your reliability needs

The fastest-growing energy sector today is battery storage. Batteries allow utilities to meet peaks in demand without having to build gas combustion turbines that typically run less than 10% of the time. Batteries also pair perfectly with intermittent energy sources like wind and solar, storing their excess generation and then delivering electricity when these resources aren’t available.  

Battery prices have tumbled to new lows, while the technology continues to improve. Most lithium-ion batteries provide 4 hours of storage, enough to meet evening peak demand with midday solar. When renewable energy becomes a larger part of Virginia’s energy supply (it’s less than 10% now) we will need longer term storage, such as the iron-air batteries that are part of a Dominion pilot program. This year the governor vetoed a bill that would have increased the amount of storage our utilities must invest in. Given the increasing importance of batteries to the grid, the legislation will likely be reintroduced next year.

Batteries installed at homes and businesses can also play a vital role in supporting the grid. Alone or combined with distributed solar, smart meters and electric vehicle charging, customer devices can be aggregated into a virtual power plant (VPP) to make more electricity available to the grid at peak demand times. Dominion will be developing a VPP pilot program under the terms of legislation passed this year. 

Advanced nuclear is still in Maybeland

The enormous expense of building large nuclear plants using conventional light-water technology has made development almost nonexistent in this century. Proponents believe new technology will succeed with scaled-down plants that can, in theory, be standardized and modularized to lower costs. Many political and tech leaders hope these small modular reactors (SMRs) will prove a carbon-free solution to the data center energy problem. 

It’s hard not to think they’re kidding themselves, or maybe us. Dominion Energy and Appalachian Power plan to develop one SMR each, with Dominion shooting to have one in service in 2035. Not only is this too late to meet today’s energy crunch, but a single SMR would add less energy to the supply side than new data centers add to the demand side each year. Virginia still needs near-term solutions, which means solar and batteries. 

Industry enthusiasts believe the 2035 timeline can be shortened, while critics say SMRs may never reach commercial viability. SMRs have to be able to compete on cost with much cheaper renewable energy, including wind, solar and emerging geothermal technologies, and cost parity is a long way off. The economic case for nuclear reactors also requires that they generate power all the time, including when the demand isn’t there, so SMRs need batteries almost as much as renewable energy does.

Finally, radioactive waste remains a challenging issue, as much (or more) for SMRs as for legacy nuclear plants. The U.S. has never resolved the problem of permanent storage, so nuclear waste is simply kept onsite at generating stations. The risk of accidents or sabotage makes it unlikely that communities will accept SMRs in their midst, especially if the idea is for SMRs to proliferate on the premises of privately-owned data centers near residential areas statewide.  

A nuclear technology with less of a waste problem is fusion energy. A fusion start-up plans to build its first power plant in Virginia in the “early 2030s,” if the demonstration plant it is building in Massachusetts proves successful. While fusion would be an energy game-changer, there are so many uncertainties around timeline and cost that only an inveterate gambler would bet on it helping us out of our predicament. 

Pretending climate change isn’t real won’t make it go away

We don’t have to talk about climate change to make the case for transitioning to carbon-free renewable energy, but global warming hovers in the background of any energy debate like an unwanted guest. If you need a primer or are even slightly tempted to say you “don’t know” whether human activity is responsible because you’re not a scientist, read the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change’s summary for policymakers. The continued habitability of the planet is too important for ignorance to be an acceptable dodge – and of course you, as a respectable candidate, would never stoop to such a thing.

Virginia codified its own action plan in 2020 with two major laws. One provides for the commonwealth to participate in the Regional Greenhouse Gas Initiative (RGGI), a multistate compact that uses auctions of carbon emission allowances to incentivize a shift away from fossil fuels and raise money for energy efficiency and climate adaptation. After taking office in 2022,  Youngkin removed Virginia from RGGI – illegally, as a court ruled. Virginia remains outside RGGI while the appeals process continues. 

The second law is the Virginia Clean Economy Act (VCEA), which creates a pathway for Dominion and APCo to transition to carbon-free electricity by 2050. The VCEA includes provisions requiring Dominion and APCo to invest in renewable energy, storage and energy efficiency and make renewable energy an increasing portion of their electricity supply. 

The VCEA contains special provisions for offshore wind, which I haven’t addressed here because  Trump is determined not to allow projects to move forward while he is in office. This is a shame, as there is bipartisan support in Virginia for this industry and the huge economic development opportunities that come with it. Still, Virginia’s Coastal Virginia Offshore Wind (CVOW) project is 60% complete and will start delivering power next year. Eventually, hopefully, it will be remembered as the first of many.

The VCEA also prohibited new investments in fossil fuel plants except under certain conditions. Dominion is currently seeking permission from the State Corporation Commission to build a $1.5 billion, fossil gas-fired peaker plant, citing data center demand and a need for reliability. Local residents, environmental organizations and ratepayer advocates oppose the plant and filed expert testimony showing that solar, storage and other less expensive technologies would better serve consumers.

In what passes for a bombshell in the energy space, Dominion was forced to admit last month that it had not obtained an independent review of the bid process before selecting its own gas plant over resources offered by third-party bidders.

“No regrets” solutions are progressive and conservative

As you’ve probably figured out by now, there is no perfect power source available today. And yet we would need new generation even if we stopped data center construction cold in its tracks – which isn’t in the plans. Solar is the cheapest, cleanest, and fastest source of generation, allowing us to preserve land – and keep options open – for the future. If the data center boom goes bust, having surplus clean energy on the grid will let us eliminate dirty sources faster, while saving money. 

Who would run against that?

First published in the Virginia Mercury on September 15, 2025.

Unknown's avatar

Let’s hear it for the losers!


In Wise County earlier this month I met the candidate daring enough, or foolish enough, to run against the most powerful Republican member of Virginia’s House of Delegates. 

When I walked into the community center in Norton, where I was to give a presentation at the invitation of the Clinch River Coalition, I found a volunteer wrangling wires to plug in the audio equipment. He was introduced to me as Josh Outsey, the man who had taken on the thankless job of Democratic challenger to Del. Terry Kilgore, R-Scott, in this fall’s election. 

Before I could stop myself, I laughed. Terry Kilgore has been in the House for 31 years, and ran unopposed in the last three elections. A politically powerful member of a politically powerful family, Kilgore represents a district that’s over 92% White and voted 83.1% for Donald J. Trump. The 63-year-old lawyer was recently elected House Republican leader.

Joshua Outsey (pronounced OOT-see), 38, is a Black actor, singer and community organizer. As of June 5, Kilgore had raised $469,509, according to the Virginia Public Access Project. Outsey had raised $200. 

Outsey gives a respectable pitch for his candidacy, grounded in both experience and policy. If this were a contest for a seat in a more balanced district, I’d have no business being amused. But no one, least of all Outsey, is under any illusions that he can unseat Kilgore. 

Still, I am filled with admiration. It is one thing to say that democracy works best when voters have choices, and quite another to agree to make yourself that choice against impossible odds. 

I’ve seen up close what even a hopeless campaign can require. A couple or three decades ago, my friend Tom Horton ran for Congress against a well-funded Republican incumbent who was firmly entrenched in Virginia politics. Tom had no trouble securing the Democratic nomination – nobody else wanted it – but he didn’t have money for a staff, and he needed a policy director. I was at home with young children and glad for the mental stimulation, so I signed on. 

Unburdened by any real prospect of success, I had a great time writing position papers based largely on my own opinions. Every once in a while, I would stop and ask myself, “I wonder what Tom thinks about this?” then shrug and plunge on. Very occasionally, Tom would balk at a position I proposed he take, and then we would talk it out.

But mostly, he didn’t have time for that. Poor Tom spent every day of the campaign on the phone trying to raise money. In the evenings he knocked on doors. If he was lucky, sometimes he was interviewed on the radio or got a quote in the paper. It was an uphill slog all the way, and none of it mattered. He lost by about the same wide margin that polls had shown him losing by at the outset of the campaign. 

He had to be disappointed, but Tom told me he loved every minute of it and would run again in a heartbeat, if he didn’t have a family to support.

Maybe this is why I have a special place in my heart for underdogs. People like Tom who try, knowing they are likely to fail, and then indeed do fail, only to pick themselves up and say it was worth it anyway – they are heroes to me. Winners are dull by comparison. 

Outsey is far from being the only sacrificial lamb this election. Democrats are fielding candidates in every House race this fall, including other long-shot seats like those held by Will Morefield, another coalfields delegate who won in 2023 with 85% of the vote, and Minority Leader Todd Gilbert, who won his Shenandoah Valley district by more than 77%.

Republicans are not similarly contesting every seat, but some are taking on Democratic incumbents even in deep blue districts, including a few who are making a repeat appearance on the ballot.

These include retired technology professional Kristin Hoffman, who is challenging McLean Democratic Del. Rip Sullivan for the second time, in spite of losing by 23 points in the last election. A few miles to the east, in another Fairfax County district that voted overwhelmingly for Harris over Trump last fall, retired federal worker Ed McGovern will face Del. Kathy Tran for a third time. He lost by 20 points in 2021 and 30 points in 2023.  

I was unsuccessful in trying to reach these folks, so I don’t know their motivations. Regardless, I salute them.

Running against impossible odds can serve a purpose beyond dedication to the democratic process. Democrat Melody Cartwright told a Cardinal News reporter that she sees running for a second time against Del. Eric Phillips, R-Henry, after losing in 2023 by 40 points, as a way to support Abigail Spanberger’s gubernatorial campaign. She added candidly that forcing Republicans to spend money to defend Phillips’ seat would leave them less money to attack Democrats elsewhere.

Running for office with no expectation of winning can also be a tactic for raising awareness of a neglected cause, as many a Green Party candidate can attest. My colleague at the Mercury, Roger Chesley, recalls a candidate by the name of Gail Parker who ran for various local, state and federal offices seven times between 2006 and 2019. Calling herself “Gail for Rail,” she campaigned on the single issue of promoting light rail. A 2007 Washington Post headline snarkily called her a “One-Track Candidate.” Fair enough, but the record will reflect that Metro now extends out to Loudoun County. 

Deep in the heart of every candidate, of course, is the hope that lightning may strike. The opponent might stumble badly enough, or voters suddenly realize that who they wanted all along was someone just like the scrappy upstart, leading to an upset victory. 

It has happened. In a 2014 primary, libertarian college professor David Brat defeated Congressman Eric Cantor, the House Majority Leader at the time, in an upset that shocked the political establishment and gave hope to long-shot candidates everywhere. Brat won the general election, too, and served two terms.

Brat’s win over Cantor, followed by his loss to a Democrat in 2018 – to Abigail Spanberger, as it happened – demonstrates a final point: the political winds can shift suddenly, and when it happens, the people who benefit are the ones who’ve got their sails ready. 

Democrats have been able to field so many candidates this year because they sense such a shift coming as part of a backlash to the Trump presidency. Republicans say otherwise. Still, no matter which party wins control this fall, the outcome won’t help the longest of long-shot candidates. 

But that’s okay. Just running is a win for democracy.

This article was originally published in the Virginia Mercury on June 30, 2025.