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Legislators didn’t allow local bans of gas-powered leaf blowers. Va. localities are doing it anyway.

Members of Quiet Clean NOVA demonstrate the noise level of gas-powered leaf blowers on the grounds of the Capitol. Photo: Quiet Clean NOVA.

Three years in a row of losing in the legislature might persuade some people to give up trying to get what they want. For members of the group Quiet Clean Virginia, their losing record simply challenged them to seek another path to victory. 

Quiet Clean Virginia and its affiliate groups in Northern Virginia advocate for local bans on gas-powered leaf blowers, machines that are either essential to modern suburban living or the scourge of it, depending on your point of view. 

Their pollution-spewing, two-stroke engines are linked to asthma, heart attacks and even global warming, and their headache-inducing roar is the bane of the work-from-home set, parents of napping children and night-shift workers who must sleep during the day. 

But on the plus side, they are really good at blowing detritus off people’s lawns. 

These days electric leaf blowers can also move leaves around, with no pollution and less noise. So advocates believe the gas version should no longer have a place in dense, urban environments where clean air and tranquility are already scarce. 

Prohibitions have been in place elsewhere in the country for years, including in the District of Columbia since 2022, and in Maryland jurisdictions including Montgomery County since 2025. 

Many residents of Northern Virginia would like their region to be next. A survey conducted by Arlington County showed almost three-quarters of residents support a total ban.

The problem is that even Democrats in the General Assembly have balked at giving local jurisdictions the express authority to regulate or ban gas-powered leaf blowers.   

In a Dillon-Rule state like Virginia, localities have only the powers expressly delegated to them by the state. And the General Assembly has never said anything about what local governments can do about lawn care equipment. 

Bills to grant localities this power have failed repeatedly in the House and Senate, and the votes weren’t even close. According to Quiet Clean board member Margaret McKelvey, lawn-care companies and leaf blower manufacturers lobbied hard against the measure, asserting it would cause economic ruin. 

Still, the failure of the initiative wasn’t the end of the story. 

Legislation would have been nice, but was it actually necessary? The Virginia Code gives localities the power to adopt “such measures as it deems expedient” to secure the “health, safety and general welfare” of their residents, including through enforcement of noise ordinances. That seems like enough authority.

Indeed, Alexandria attorney Jamie Conrad, a supporter of the legislation, told me in a phone call that several legislators he spoke with felt localities already have sufficient authority to enact a ban under the police powers delegated to them in the Virginia Code, and this was why they voted against the bill. 

Proceeding cautiously, the City of Alexandria asked their  then-local delegate (and former vice mayor), Elizabeth Bennett-Parker, to request an opinion on the topic from then-Attorney General Jason Miyares.  

On August 12, 2024, Miyares replied with a letter confirming the city’s authority to ban gas leaf blowers simply by amending its noise ordinance. 

Miyares, a Republican, acknowledged that the General Assembly had voted down legislation giving local governments express authority to regulate leaf blowers, but cited case law in rejecting any inference of legislative intent from those outcomes as speculative. Alexandria, he concluded, was clearly within its rights to ban the equipment.

Alexandria used that green light to amend its noise ordinance in May of 2025 and begin an 18-month phaseout of gas leaf blowers. A full prohibition is set to take effect on November 17, 2026.

Miyares’ opinion had leaned heavily on the authority in Alexandria’s city charter, though the power of counties to enforce noise ordinances under the Virginia Code is similar. Nonetheless, Arlington chose to move more slowly, holding extensive outreach sessions and soliciting feedback. 

The county collected more than 3,500 written comments, the great majority of which favored a ban. Reading through the comments linked from the survey, noise is clearly the driving factor behind support for the ban, with pollution and health impacts as secondary concerns. 

Most opponents cite the financial impact to homeowners and lawn care companies from having to buy new equipment. Complaints about government overreach make up a small (but often colorful!) part of the negative feedback.  

Not surprisingly, Arlington’s survey also showed most lawncare companies oppose a ban, saying it would impose an economic hardship. More surprisingly, though, nearly one-third of companies said they were “very comfortable” with a total ban, suggesting that the electrification of leaf blowers is already underway. 

With that support, last month the Arlington County board amended its noise ordinance to ban gas-powered leaf blowers effective January 1, 2029. The 30-month lag time is intended as a transition period giving owners of gas equipment time to change their equipment as it wears out, a frequent suggestion in the comments. The county transitioned all of its own landscaping equipment to electric in 2025.  

McKelvey says other jurisdictions have been watching, but so far none have followed Alexandria and Arlington.

The path to do so is straightforward; most localities already have noise ordinances, and many already apply time restrictions and decibel limits to the use of loud machines. Fairfax County, for example, already bans the use of all lawn equipment between 9 p.m. and 7 a.m. 

Lawn care isn’t alone; other loud activities also have time restrictions. Even dog parks have to close at night, and indeed the quiet hours for dogs are longer than those for lawn equipment. (Clearly, the dogs didn’t hire the right lobbyists.)

Still, localities will have no interest in banning gas leaf blowers as long as their residents don’t demand it. The idea likely won’t even be discussed in rural counties, unless as an occasion to ridicule Democrats. With technology on the side of batteries, the market will eliminate the two-stroke engine long before most governments do. 

That’s cold comfort to the exhausted parent whose colicky baby has just been jolted awake. When that happens, even an avowed libertarian may waver on the sanctity of lawn equipment choice. Politics crumble when the baby is screaming.  

As for whether Alexandria and Arlington have set off on a slippery slope to banning everything having to do with fossil fuels, McKelvey thinks not. For one thing, the price differential between gas-powered lawn mowers and electric is too great to make a similar restriction reasonable; for another, as I can attest, gas leaf blowers are just uniquely irritating. 

I asked Del. Rip Sullivan, D-Fairfax, the House patron of the leaf blower ban legislation, whether he would put the bill in again next year, now that the localities that wanted it had gone ahead with their bans. 

He told me he hadn’t decided, but added, “I’m glad to see Arlington taking this step, and I hope it sets an example for other localities that want it.”

This article was originally published in the Virginia Mercury on August 24, 2026.

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Trump’s attack on offshore wind is hurting Virginia. Why aren’t Republican leaders fighting for us?

On May 5, attorneys general from 17 states and the District of Columbia — not including Virginia, regrettably —  sued the Trump administration over its attacks on the wind industry. The lawsuit challenges an executive order, signed by President Donald J. Trump on his first day in office, stopping all approvals, permits and funding for wind projects across the country and offshore. 

Since the order was signed, the administration hasn’t just blocked new projects, it’s issued a stop-work order for one project under construction in New York and revoked a permit for another. The actions inflict enormous damage on the wind industry and on the economies of states that need the energy and jobs this industry could deliver.

One state that will lose big under Trump’s order is Virginia, which has positioned itself to be a national leader in offshore wind deployment, supply chain and manufacturing. On top of that, Virginia badly needs the electricity from offshore wind to help meet the demand from data centers; it can’t afford to have a major new source of energy strangled in its infancy. Yet Attorney General Jason Miyares did not join the lawsuit.

Sure, Miyares wants to be a good soldier in the Trump putsch. And no doubt he wouldn’t feel at home among all those Democratic AGs (there were no Republicans signing the complaint). But he could at least speak up in his state’s interest. Some well-timed advocacy would go a long way in showing the administration that wind energy is not a partisan matter. 

It doesn’t have to be just our attorney general, either. The silence from Gov. Glen Youngkin has been equally deafening. What are they afraid of? Youngkin can’t run for reelection, and Miyares has already secured his party’s nomination in his bid for reelection this fall.

Any politician who styles himself as pro-business ought to be pushing back on the Trump administration’s interference with contracts, destruction of American jobs and infliction of billions of dollars in damage to a growing domestic industry. Especially when it is happening to their own state, the big risk is in not speaking out.

And let’s face it, attacking wind energy is Trump’s own peculiar hobbyhorse, not his party’s. Though Republican support for wind energy has dropped a bit in recent years, it remains above 50%. Onshore wind is the largest source of electricity in Iowa and South Dakota and a major source in several other Republican strongholds. Wind power is responsible for billions of dollars in economic investment while keeping utility rates low in states that rely on it. 

Offshore wind is more expensive, but states have embraced it for its potential to lower electricity bills over time while relieving grid congestion, creating well-paying jobs and providing clean, zero-carbon power to East Coast cities. Thirteen states have established offshore wind development goals, totaling over 112 gigawatts (GW) by 2050. 

In Virginia, Republican leaders have been among the biggest boosters of offshore wind for more than 15 years. Legislators from both parties supported the creation of the Virginia Offshore Wind Development Authority. With a boost from then-Gov. Bob McDonnell, the Virginia Department of Energy partnered with Dominion Energy on a research project that produced the nation’s first offshore wind turbines in federal waters. Republican support also paved the way for Dominion’s development of the 2.6 GW Coastal Virginia Offshore Wind (CVOW) project, now more than halfway to completion and expected to begin delivering electricity next year. 

Nor is CVOW a one-off; the Virginia Clean Economy Act declares twice as much offshore wind power to be “in the public interest.” At the offshore wind International Partnering Forum held in Virginia Beach last month, Dominion displayed a poster of the projects it has in the works. These include a project off Kitty Hawk, North Carolina, which Dominion acquired last October, as well as a huge lease area east of CVOW, which Dominion secured in a lease auction from the federal government last August. All told, Dominion’s projects could deliver a total of 9 GW of clean, renewable power. 

A poster displaying Dominion Energy’s planned offshore wind projects.

As important as the energy itself is, Virginia leaders believe offshore wind can be a driver of economic development and job creation for the Hampton Roads area. The Virginia Economic Development Partnership touts Virginia’s strategic location, strong maritime industry and ready workforce as draws for businesses up and down the offshore wind supply chain.

Some businesses have already set up shop in Virginia to serve the industry. These include most recently a Korean subsea cable manufacturer that is investing almost $700 million for a facility in Chesapeake. Gov. Glen Youngkin was on hand for the groundbreaking last month, calling it “a proud moment for Virginia.” Attracting the company was only possible because of Virginia’s commitment to the wind industry – as well as the availability of federal tax credits that Trump also intends to eliminate. 

CVOW will likely survive Trump’s attacks (albeit at a higher cost due to his tariffs), but Virginia’s ability to develop an offshore wind workforce and supply chain are very much at risk. The Trump administration’s war on wind power already threatens developers with losses in the billions of dollars. With permitting at a halt, companies are headed for the exits instead of creating the project pipeline necessary for offshore wind to become the powerhouse industry that it is in Europe and Asia.

Trump may have planned his economic sabotage to hurt northeastern states with Democratic governors, but the collateral damage to Virginia is considerable. As it is, our economy has taken a hit from Trump’s mass firings of federal workers, thousands of whom live here. We can’t afford to lose four years of offshore wind progress for no better reason than that Trump wills it. 

Silence is not an acceptable response. Miyares and Youngkin must speak up for Virginia.

Originally published in the Virginia Mercury on May 19, 2025.

Update: On May 20 we learned Trump’s Department of the Interior rescinded its order to shut down the $5 billion Empire Wind project in New York, reportedly after Gov. Kathy Hochul agreed to reverse a decision five years ago denying a permit to a natural gas pipeline. This is being billed as a “compromise,” which is apparently what extortion is called when the Trump administration does it.